Since the election, we’ve made it our mission here at FiveThirtyEight to uncover the variables that best explain why things shook out the way they did. We’ve already shown you the strong correlation between partisanship and U.S. House results. We have also pointed out how Republicans won a huge share of rural seats, while Democrats won every single urban seat and many, many suburban seats. Today, we’re taking a look at how well educational attainment predicted the 2018 House results, especially among non-Hispanic white voters.
In 2016, educational divides emerged as one of the top explanations of voters’ choices: White voters without a bachelor’s degree made up the Republican base, while a coalition of nonwhite voters and white college graduates formed the Democratic base. The 2018 midterms seemed to continue what we saw in 2016: Districts with bigger black populations, Hispanic populations or college-educated non-Hispanic white populations tended to vote more Democratic, while non-college-educated white voters remained strongly loyal to the GOP. We found a clear negative relationship (R = -0.72) between the Democratic margin of victory in a district and the share of the district’s population age 25 or older who are non-Hispanic white and lack a bachelor’s degree — a group that pundits often call the “white working class.”20
How Do You Lose When You Make 17 Threes? Ask The Rockets.
Wednesday May 01, 2019
In each of the past two seasons, the Houston Rockets have shattered previously held records for 3-pointers made and attempted. They took the three to previously unseen heights by connecting on 1,256 of 3,470 attempts during the 2017-18 season, then surpassed both of those marks by making 1,323 of 3,721 of their shots from beyond […]
The post How Do You Lose When You Make 17 Threes? Ask The Rockets. appeared first on W88ap.
As we noted, this trend was already evident in 2016. Indeed, a district’s share of non-Hispanic whites without a bachelor’s degree was slightly more predictive of how it voted in the 2016 presidential election than in the 2018 U.S. House election: The correlation coefficient between Hillary Clinton’s vote margin and the percentage of the district that was white people without a bachelor’s degree was -0.79 in 2016, compared with -0.72 in 2018.
D-backs’ Merrill Kelly follows ace’s lead, beats Yankees for sweep
Thursday May 02, 2019
PHOENIX — Diamondbacks manager Torey Lovullo was asked before Wednesday’s matinee against the Yankees — just hours after Zack Greinke pitched into the eighth inning and allowed one run on Tuesday — who the pleasant surprises on the team have been this season. After sifting through a few names, including Christian Walker and Luke Weaver, […]
The post D-backs’ Merrill Kelly follows ace’s lead, beats Yankees for sweep appeared first on W88ap.
However, the relationship was less pronounced in the 2012 presidential election — the correlation was weaker (R = -0.64) and the partisan gulf was smaller between districts that had a high percentage of white voters without a degree and districts where that percentage was lower.21 Put another way, the new demographic coalitions in the Democratic and Republican parties had not yet fully coalesced.
Politics Podcast: What To Look For In The Fourth Democratic Debate
Monday October 14, 2019
By Galen Druke, Nate Silver, Clare Malone and Micah Cohen, Galen Druke, Nate Silver, Clare Malone and Micah Cohen, Galen Druke, Nate Silver, Clare Malone and Micah Cohen and Galen Druke, Nate Silver, Clare Malone and Micah Cohen More: Apple Podcasts | ESPN App | RSS | Embed Embed Code <iframe frameborder="0" width="100%" height="180" […]
The post Politics Podcast: What To Look For In The Fourth Democratic Debate appeared first on W88ap.
In terms of white voters’ educational attainment predicting election outcomes, 2018 represented a middle ground between 2016 and 2012. Voters neither snapped back to their pre-2016 preferences nor remained quite as divided by education as they were when Trump himself was on the ballot. It’s a confirmation of other analysts’ findings that the 2018 election results represented a blend of 2016 and 2012 partisan baselines. And it answers a question that we posed before: Would Democrats be able to build on their 2016 gains in diverse, upper-class suburbs to make states like Texas competitive? Based on the 2018 election results, it looks as if the answer might be yes. Education as a major factor in vote choice is here to stay.